中国转型期的全球化城市毕业论文外文翻译

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1、 英文翻译评价表学生姓名 性别 学号0902080122外文文献标题Transforming Chinas globalizing cities外文文献出处 中国知网以下内容由指导教师填写（打勾“”选择）评价项目评价结论打勾评价结论打勾评价结论打勾是否外文期刊文献是否与本人论文相关完全相关一般不相关翻译工作量超负荷饱和不饱和翻译态度认真一般不认真翻译进度按计划执行一般未按计划执行翻译训练效果优良中差综 合 评 语（是否完成了规定任务、效果是否符合要求等）指导教师签名： 2013年 4 月 25 日 制表：李铁治注1：此表与翻译文本一起装订；注2：为了加强学生外语应用能力的训练，每位同学至少选择

2、毕业论文中一篇外文参考文献（10000英文字符），翻译成中文。外文文献及中文译文不装钉进论文中，只形成单行本放入档案袋即可。英文原文：Title:Transforming Chinas globalizing citiesAuthor:Fulong Wua；Laurence J.C. MabAbstractThis paper serves as an introduction to the first part of this special issue of Habitat International on Urbanization in China. It discusses the c

3、ontext of globalization, and then tries to place Chinese cities within this context. Chinese cities are currently being forced into the age of globalization by many forces, such as entry into World Trade Organization and the expansion of the market economy. Thus, an examination of the re-structuring

4、 that is occurring and the changes that are taking place is timely. The papers in this collection fulfil this purpose.Keywords: Urbanization; China; Globalization; World citiesIncreasingly globalization has been understood as a process rather than anend-state. As such it is appropriate to use global

5、izing cities to capture the transformation of cities driven by the process of globalization (Marcuse & van Kempen, 2000; Yeoh, 1999). The literature on global and world cities has focused heavily on the top -ranking cities, especially those in Western economies, as the sites accommodating multinatio

6、nal corporations (MNCs) or as command centres for producer services to exercise control over the global economy (Beaverstock, Taylor, & Smith,1999; Friedmann & Wolff, 1982; Sassen, 2001, 1994). But anomalies from the global cityparadigm certainly exist in different social and cultural contexts. Hill

7、 and Kim (2000) recently argue that Tokyo and Seoul represent different types of world city beyond the global city paradigm because their industrial policies and finance institutions are embedded in the developmental state of the two nations. When the attention is shifted towards the frontier of glo

8、balization, where many cities in developing countries or newly industrializing economies are competing for global city status, the indicators of global functions such as the number of MNC headquarters become less importantbecause through understanding globalization as a process,what matters is the e

9、ssence and scale of their transformation rather than their absolute status in the world city hierarchy. The question is not whether these cities are global citiesas obviously they are not when compared such cities as New York, London and Tokyoin the sense of their status in the global urban hierarch

10、y. Rather, it is the sheer scale of restructuring and the extent to which globalization has rendered a city different from its past that require more scholarly attention. In the case of China, the entire coastal region has been transformed into a vast area of factory sites that has earned the name w

11、orld factory for global commodity production where cities have become an indisputable component of global capital circulation.By now there have been extensive studies on Chinas globalization and urban change (Logan,2002; Lin & Wei, 2002; Lin, 2004; Ma, 2002; Pannell, 2002; Wu, 2001, 2003, 2004). Nee

12、dless to say, the impact of globalization has been strongly felt in the cites, especially since Chinas accession to the WTO in 2001 and its two major cities, Beijing and Shanghai, are geared towards organizing Olympic Games in 2008 and World Expo 2010, respectively. But urban transformation should n

13、ot be understood with a single global logicthere are also local dimensions of placemaking(Wu, 2000). Indeed, globalization provides an excellent chance for the state to continue to play a significant role in organizing its national and regional economies, though not in the form of direct resource al

14、location as under socialism. Instead, many state functions are reconfigured to enhance local competitiveness or to flank the market as neoliberalism is rolling out (Tickell and Peck, 2003) its way in contemporary China. In the sphere of housing consumption, globalization has been used symbolically a

15、nd imaginatively to overcome the local constraint so that the niche market of such luxury properties as townhouse and villas can be exploited moreeffectively. The transplanting of Western landscape is not necessarily an intrusion of Western architectural styles as it can be seen as a theme park sort

16、 of local product (Wu, 2004). For example, the production of foreign gated communities is a process occurring through interaction between the demand for expatriate (foreign) housing triggered by economic globalization and the supply constrained by the local institution. Although the buyers of housin

17、g units in such communities may be non-Chinese citizens, anyone who can afford the high rent can live there. However, this system of housing provision, known as housing for sale to foreigners (waixia fang), is no longer used as the housing market is now open to all (Wu & Webber, 2004). In short, res

18、tructuring the Chinese city demonstrates a multiple set of forces at work (Wu & Ma, 2004; Ma & Wu, 2004), and there is no such thing as globalization outside the changing economy, society and spaces of nations.The theme issue presented here represents the attempts to shed light on different aspects

19、of changing Chinas globalizing cities. Emerging from the publication project of the Working Group on Spatial Restructuring, Changing Planning and Politics funded by the Urban China Research Network (UCRN), these papers together with the book Restructuring the Chinese City: Changing Society, Economy

20、and Space (see Ma & Wu, 2004), depict various aspects of social and spatial transformations. In particular, the set of the papers presented here focuses on spatial dynamics, creation of global spaces and institutional reforms, foreign investment and spatial restructuren -g,place promotion and re-ima

21、gining, and local migrant spaces and politics.Susan Walcott and Clifton Pannell build upon the analysis of recent population data to reveal the new spatial dynamics in the Shanghai metropolitan area. Their analysis highlights the usefulness of the institutional framework, in particular the regime th

22、eory, in understanding the states deliberate construction of property rights so as to allow capitalization and in turn to promote the involvement of the large cities such as Shanghai in a global capitalist economy. They point out some important changes such as economic independence and property comm

23、odification, state investment in fixed assets and infrastructure, and attraction of foreign capital. The spatial dynamics include rapidly multiplying economic development zones where local and foreign capitals pour into urban development in support of Chinas emerging link to the global economy.The C

24、hinese-modified growth regime constitutes actors from multiple scales, of which the scale of the national state is clearly identified.Andrew Marton and Wei Wu focus on the spaces of globalizationthe development of the Pudong New Areato reveal how local institutional structures are re-configured to r

25、ealize Shanghais aspiration of becoming a new international great cities. Pudongs mega-projects (Olds, 2001) serve a critical linkage between the local and global economies but their creation is more than simply a consequence of global forces. Their analysis, in addition to a proliferating literatur

26、e on Shanghai, highlights the creation of these spaces of globalization as an urban development strategy, and pinpoints various actors and their roles in implementing the strategy. They reveal how this strategy has been realized step by step: from preparing preferential policies, gathering personnel

27、 and conducting planning consultation, initiating large-scale infrastructure construction, to engineering functional changes, and finally to using a whole set of urbanization policies to devise a new functional area in Shanghai, which in turn has made Shanghai truly a dragonhead in the whole Yangtze

28、 River Delta. Through the microscopic space of globalization, Marton and Wu reveal how key actors of different scales are dragged into this process and argue that spatial transformation should be re-conceptualized to reflect the articulation of state-led and external/globalization processes with bot

29、tom-up local networks.Yehua Wei, Chi Kin Leung and Jun Luo examine the process of foreign investment development in Shanghai and assess the significance of foreign investment in the transformation of the city. In addition to the importance of foreign investment, they also emphasize the geographical

30、and historical advantages of Shanghai. Their study is more than a confirmation of the role of foreign investment. Rather, they emphasize how foreign investment has reinstated Shanghais potential as the most important regional headquarters location for MNCs and the most important banking and financia

31、l centre in China. Their study demonstrates how foreign investment causes structural changes, in particular towards the concentration of finance, bankingand services sectors. In addition, spatial restructuring through creating the Pudong New Area, various development zones and major shopping streets

32、 is associated with foreign investment or activities related to it. However, they also point out that Shanghai is still in the early stages of becoming a global city, as revealed by the high proportion of foreign investment in the industrial sector in contrast to a low proportion in the producer ser

33、vices.Albert Wai in his analysis of iconography in Shanghais prime urban redevelopment project reveals the use of cultural strategy and tactics of place promotion in space production. He provides insights on various aspects mentioned in earlier papers through a more microscopicview. In particular, h

34、is analysis highlights that globalization is not a new and alien process; the creation of very global-oriented images is associated with the (semi-)colonial history of OldShanghai and its upper quarters in the French Concession. Under the slogan of where yesterday meets tomorrow in Shanghai today, t

35、he Shui On Group from Hong Kong imaginatively re-packaged the elements and architectural motifs into new functional uses of high-class semi-private shopping spaces. The re-imaging through converting space (of capital circulation) to place of consumption has led to an increase in the property price i

36、n the area, which allow further exploitation of price increase in the second stage of redevelopment. Wai has successfully shifted the gaze from glittering offices and skyscrapers to everyday urban landscapes and how globalization is part of local experience of urban changes.Erik Mobrand assesses a v

37、ery local-based feature of Chinese cities: rural-urban migration and migrant politics. While many large Chinese cities would like to become global cities, the logic of ”globalization is often represented in spatial flow, not in the international scale but rather across the dichotomy of rural and urb

38、an worlds. Indeed, the process of globalization is not necessarily incompatible with the Third World nature because all cities today are affected by globalization to some extent. Mobrand examines different housing patterns such as workplace housing, rented housing, and migrant enclaves and their eff

39、ects on migrant politics. In contrast to spaces of globalization, migrants carved out spaces of local resistance where the hometown ties offer not only place affinity but also a basis of organizing common interests. The inflow of migrants in China is not divorced from globalization, as the destinati

40、on of migration is often the coastal large cities and the metropolitan regions where foreign joint ventures concentrate. But the proliferation of these factories turned such places into production sites. Capital and labour mobility are indispensable aspects of globalization (Smith, 2000), and the de

41、privation of citizenship (Smart &Smart, 2001) reveals more informal and Third World elements of urban development than the global-oriented financial streets and trade zones. The Chinese city persistently shows some aspects of the cities in developing countries as well as some elements of the cities

42、of socialism. However, globalization and Chinas own economic reform programmes are quickly transforming the Chinese city from the seat for deliberate socialist industrialization that produced heavy industrial goods for the state but paid workers low wages and suppressed urban consumption, to the pro

43、duction site of global commodity and vibrant centre of consumption.To sum up, the papers in this issue reveal multi-faceted urban changes in Chinese cities. These changes are not created by economic globalization alone although global forces constitute an important part of the process of Chinas urba

44、n transformation. More accurately, the spatial, social and economic restructuring of Chinas globalzing cities has been intimately tied to forces emanating from different geographic scales ranging from the global, national to the local. Among the key factors that have strongly impacted Chinas globali

45、zing cities are the flow of global and ethnic Chinese capital from abroad for manufacturing and property development, the arrival of MNCs, increasing global integration of economic production through such supra-regional organizations as the WTO and the penetration of neoliberal economic practices.Co

46、upled with these external forces are changes initiated domestically characterized by an ensemble of market-oriented measures that include privatization, deregulation, liberalization of fiscal policy and downward shift of fiscal and administrative power in favour of local administrative units includi

47、ng cities so that the state can enhance national competitiveness in the increasingly interconnected global economy. Other domestic institutional shifts that have affected Chinas urban transformation include, under the rubric of marketization of the national economy, the establishment of a paid urban

48、 land use system that has given rise to an urban land market, commodification of housing, tacit approval of massive rural-urban migration that has brought to the city abundant cheap labour to carry out large-scale urban (re)construction, deliberate dismantling of the state economic sector especially

49、 the deindustrialization of socialist urban industries, and simultaneous territiarization of the urban economy. Such institutional shifts are centred on and best manifested in the cities that are the command posts in Chinas engagement with the global economy.At the city level, increased fiscal power

50、 through more fiscal autonomy has encouraged city governments to attract as much foreign and domestic investment as possible to develop the urban economy and to reconstitute the pre-reform urban space. This has resulted in a vastly different urban built environment, which is decidedly more modern an

51、d global in appearance than that of the socialist era. Aside from local growth coalition (Zhang, 2002; Zhu, 1999) that has helped power the urban growth engine, the role of the local officials in urban transformation cannot be underestimated. Conceptualizing the state as an ensemble of economic acto

52、rs, Walder (1997) has observed that local officials are at once entrepreneurs, leaders in corporate management teams and silent partners in private enterprises, while government agencies have also functioned as investors in the private economy (Ma, 2004). Such institutional amphibiousness (Ding, 199

53、4) in Chinas state-market relations has blurred the boundaries between the public and private sectors in the national and urban economies, and as such, it can be considered as a unique feature of Chinas globalizing cities.The literature on global and world cities has been focused on the mega-cephali

54、c corporate and financial centres that serve as basing points for capital accumulation within a hierarchical articulation of global space (Yeoh, 1999) without giving due attention to the cities off the global city map (Robinson, 2002). There is little doubt that most if not all cities in the develop

55、ing world harbour the aspiration of joining the super-city league. In China, 182 cities have expressed a strong desire to achieve the status of international great cities (guojihua dadushi) (Editors Note,2003), a desire reflected in scholarly publications (Shi & Hamnett, 2002). A faddish trend for s

56、ure, this quest for a higher global profile with a stronger global identity nonetheless reveals that the leaders of such cities are not only conscious of the power of globalization but are also ready to adopt practical policies to realize their aspiration.Such globalizing cities demand much more emp

57、irical analysis than they have received. There is clearly a need to go beyond simply trying to measure up to the top-ranking world cities of global capital and advanced producer services as defined by Sassen and Friendmann. We need to recognize that whereas globalizing cities are neither the key com

58、mand centres controlling the flow of global capital nor the leading seats with a large number of MNC branches, they are nonetheless intimately tied to the worldwide web of production and global commodity chains. In Chinese cities, the rise of a middle class with growing dispensable income has also g

59、iven rise to important spaces of consumption of global products.It must be noted that the term globalizing cities does not mean that such cities are created by global forces alone. Although almost all cities have been linked with and affected by globalization to some degree, globalization should not

60、 be construed as a process similar to a juggernaut that sweeps across the globe and homogenizes the economy, society and culture of all places along its paths. As has been elucidated by theoretical geographers and as the exogenous and endogenous forces of change that we have identified above that af

61、fect Chinas urban transformation, the global and the local are mutually constituted and there will not be anything global without the local (Amin, 2002; Swyngedouw, 1997) and Chinas urban change is consequence of the interplay of different types of forces. Just as the relationship between space and

62、place is dialectical, so is the relationship between the global and local. In analyzing globalizing cities, equal attention must be given to the multi-scalar (in terms of spatial structure), multi-dimensional (in terms of social formation) and multi-temporal (in terms of the layered sediments of his

63、tory) forces that converge in a particular city at a given moment of time. Globalizing cities are likely to display many of the characteristics of what Amin and Graham (1997, pp. 417418) have called the multiplex city characterized by the co-presence of multiple spaces, multiple times and multiple w

64、ebs of relations, tying local sites, subjects and fragments into globalzing networks of economic, social and cultural change.For the globalizing cities in China, we have identified elsewhere (Ma & Wu,2004; Wu & Ma, 2004) that the new urban realities and new urban spaces of production, consumption, g

65、lobalization, marginalization are a consequence of the interaction of global, national and local forces of change emanating from the socialist as well as the postsocialist eras. Whereas China has developed a new hybrid mode of production and mixed regime of accumulation incorporating marketatization, decentralization, commodification, globalization and neol