产业集群与农村劳动力市场外文翻译

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1、产业集群与农村劳动力市场外文翻译 毕业论文外文翻译Industry Clusters and Rural Labor Markets Abstract:Along with the recent resurgence of interest in the agglomeration and clustering of economic activity, there has been increasing interest in industry clusters as a potential economic development strategy. Ultimately, the que

2、stion of whether or not clusters are an appropriate focus of economic development strategies for rural areas depends on the relationship between clusters and local economic growth. The primary purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the issues involved in measuring the relationship between clust

3、ers and rural economic growth. Preliminary evidence of a positive association between industry clusters and rural earnings growth are presented, supporting the notion that a cluster-focused development strategy may be effective in some rural areas Along with the recent resurgence of interest in the

4、agglomeration and clustering of economic activity, there has been increasing interest in industry clusters as a potential economic development strategy. This interest is motivated by two general trends. First, recent research suggests that the rapid pace of technological change has altered the econo

5、mic environment in ways that give establishments located in clusters a competitive advantage over establishments located in relative isolation Malecki 1991:252; Stohr 1986:29; and Porter 1995:58.To the extent that this is true, rural establishments, which are by definition in relatively isolated loc

6、ations, will increasingly be at a competitive disadvantage vis-a-vis establishments in urban areas. The views expressed in this paper are solely the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of either the Bureau of Economic Analysis or the U.S. Department of Commerce. The author gratefully ac

7、knowledges helpful comments of two anonymous reviewers. Industry Clusters and Labor Markets - Bernat There is increasing dissatisfaction with what might be called the traditional economic development strategy of industrial recruitment or smokestack-chasing- the use of tax rebates, infrastructure dev

8、elopment, special training programs, and other inducements to attract firms to an area - as an economic development strategy. This strategy is now viewed by many economic development specialists as a strategy with not only a relatively high probability of failure but also one with a relatively low n

9、et return even when successful because competition with other localities tends to raise the cost of incentives that must be offered to successfully attract a new plant or business Sears and Bernat 1998:12 and Isserman 1994. In addition, plants that are susceptible to locational incentives may well r

10、elocate to yet lower-cost places in the future A strategy of encouraging clusters, in contrast, is perceived to be both more likely to produce positive results and to be more cost-effective than smokestack chasing because the external economies associated with clusters provide built-in incentives fo

11、r the firms and establishments that are part of the cluster to remain in the area. In addition, these same external economies will help attract additional firms and establishments. The reasoning or hope goes, once a cluster is established, it will maintain itself rather than depend on government ass

12、istance to retain its viability. Ultimately, the question of whether or not clusters are an appropriate focus of economic development strategies for rural areas depends on the relationship between clusters and local economic growth. The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the issues involved

13、 in measuring the relationship between clusters and local economic growth. No attempt is made to provide definitive answers to any of these questionsInstead, the goal is the more modest one of identifying the key issues involving clusters and rural growth and to present some preliminary findings on

14、the association between industry clusters and earnings growth As pointed out by one reviewer, clustering can also be part of an industrial recruitment strategy, where firms are recruited based on an assessment of how well they fit with existing clusters. However, the extent to which clusters contrib

15、ute to the success of this type of industrial recruitment will be a function of the issues discussed in this paper. The next section is a brief review of the literature on clusters and their role in regional economic growth. The following section discusses how clustering might benefit rural labor ma

16、rkets and summarizes some of the available empirical evidence. The final section concludes the paper with some thoughts on further work. What are Clusters and Why do They Exist? The terms cluster and clustering appear in a wide range of contexts in the regional economics and geography literature. So

17、metimes, especially in the urban growth literature, the terms are used synonymously with the more general term agglomeration and refer to large, diverse concentrations of economic activity. In other contexts, clusters are defined narrowly to refer to groups of firms and establishments located in clo

18、se proximity that are closely connected in networks, where networks are defined as cooperation among firms to take advantage of complementarities, exploit new markets, integrate activities, or pool resources Rosenfeld 1995 For this paper, I take an intermediate view and define an industry cluster as

19、 a group of establishments in the same or closely related industry, located in close proximity to each other, whether or not they are connected in the sense of forming a network. Networks and clusters often go together but they are conceptually distinct. Networks involve formal or informal interacti

20、ons among the establishments in the network Harrison 1992. Clearly proximity is likely to facilitate networking but distance does not rule out the effective operation of a network Malecki and Tootle 1996Industry clusters, in contrast, are based only on proximity. As I hope will be clear from the fol

21、lowing discussion, no direct interaction among establishments within a cluster is necessary for the existence of cluster-related externalities because many such externalities operate through the market The notion that similar industries cluster together is hardly new, having been described in the ge

22、neral economic literature at least as far back as Marshalls Principles Mulligan 1984. Following Marshall, industries cluster for three basic reasons, all related to minimizing costs. First, industries cluster in order to reduce transportation costs. Because transportation costs for some goods and se

23、rvices are very high, the location of establishments in some industries is largely dictated by the location of either their primary inputs or the markets for their outputsFor example, the location of extractive industries such as mining and logging will be determined largely by the location of miner

24、al deposits and forests. Similarly, service-producing industries that require face-to-face communication between service producer and customer will tend to locate close to their customers The location of establishments for which the lowest-cost location is not dictated by the location of inputs or m

25、arkets for outputs, often called footloose establishments, involves a more complicated balancing of transportation costs and other costs. Recent work has shown that establishments in an industry will tend to cluster for a wide range of transportation costs as long as there are increasing returns to

26、scale in production Krugman 199 1; Puga 1999; Venables 1996 Second, industries cluster to reduce labor costs. Clustering may reduce labor costs by increasing the local labor supply or by increasing labor productivity. The local labor supply may increase as a result of Marshallian risk pooling. If wo

27、rkers are risk averse, they will tend to be attracted to areas with many potential employers because a large number of employers in a labor market shields workers, at least to some degree, from fluctuations in employment levels of individual employers. By increasing labor supply, Marshallian risk po

28、oling tends to reduce wages, everything else being equal David and Rosenbloom 1990 Clustering will also result in lower labor costs because it raises labor productivity. This effect is particularly important because with higher labor productivity, wages can be higher at the same time that labor cost

29、s per unit of output are lower. Clustering may raise labor productivity in two different ways. Labor markets for industry clusters will tend to have a relatively larger pool of labor with specialized skills appropriate for the particular industry composing the clusters. Establishments will thus find

30、 it easier to obtain workers with skills that closely match their job requirements than would otherwise be the case. Because labor productivity is likely to be positively related to how closely worker skills match job requirements, average labor productivity will be higher in clusters than outside c

31、lusters, even if workers have very similar skills and abilities. Clusters also appear to enhance worker skills. Among the more important ways in which workers improve their knowledge and skills are on the job training and learning from other workers. An individuals skills will improve faster the mor

32、e often the individual works with high-skilled workers. In other words, human capital, and the rate of increase in human capital, are both hypothesized to be functions of the density of economic activity Gibbs and Bernat 1997b: Glaeser and Mare 1994; Jovanovic and Rob 1989; Rauch 1993. Rural industr

33、y clusters, being locations where economic activity is relatively dense, may therefore contribute to greater levels of human capital, and therefore to higher labor productivity and wages, than would otherwise be the case Third, industries will cluster in order to take advantage of what are called kn

34、owledge spillovers from nearby establishments. The term knowledge spillover refers to the spread of information about technology or markets from one firm or establishment to another. For example, suppose a firm develops an improved method of producing a particular product. A knowledge spillover occu

35、rs when other firms find out about the new method and use it to improve their production process. Because many knowledge spillovers occur informally, for example when workers employed by the innovating firm take jobs at other firms or managers of firms meet outside of work-related meetings, they are

36、 more likely to occur among establishments located in clusters than among isolated establishments When knowledge spillovers occur, innovations spread among establishments, raising the productivity of both capital and labor throughout the cluster. By nature, knowledge spillovers are not readily obser

37、vable and are therefore difficult to measure and quantify. Nevertheless, their existence is widely accepted. For instance, commonly cited examples of clustering based on knowledge spillovers are the computer and related establishments in the Silicon Valley of California and the Route 128 corridor in

38、 Massachusetts, thefinancial district in New York City, and carpet manufacturers in Dalton, Georgia Clustering generates both positive and negative externalities. The three broad reasons for clustering just discussed produce positive externalities that are increasing functions of the size of the clu

39、ster. In other words, the greater the number of establishments in a cluster, the greater the cost and productivity advantages for an individual establishment. Negative externalities, however, are also produced. As the number of establishments in a cluster grows, costs are also likely to increase due

40、 to increased competition among the establishments in the cluster for land and labor, and increased costs associated with congestion. The existence of such negative externalities ensures that clusters do not grow without bound, although the exact limits are likely to differ among industries. How do

41、Clusters Benefit Rural Labor Markets? The potential benefits of clustering to rural labor markets mirror the benefits to establishments in the industry cluster Barkley and Henry 1997. The most obvious way in which clustering is likely to benefit rural labor markets is to contribute to a more stable

42、economic baseTo the extent that clustering makes local establishments more competitive, firms and establishments in the cluster are more likely to share in any industry-wide growth and less likely to be affected by industry-wide downturns. For some industries, innovation is likely to be higher in cl

43、usters than outside clusters, especially if the clusters also involve networks. Such innovation is likely to provide competitive advantages beyond any Marshallian externalities to the firms and establishments in the cluster. Clusters will thus provide better job growth and retention because clustere

44、d local establishments will tend to be more competitive than establishments outside clusters Marshallian risk pooling also has benefits to rural labor. Because there are more firms in the local economy, an individual worker is less dependent on an individual firm for employment. Consequently, worker

45、s are at least partially protected from idiosyncratic fluctuations inemployment opportunities associated with individual firms. Finally, while workers may be willing to work for lower wages because of the risk-pooling aspects of clusters, they may actually receive higher wages than they would outsid

46、e of clusters. Because both labor and capital are more productive in clusters, firms may pay higher wages. Recent research provides support for this hypothesis by finding that rural and urban workers both acquire human capital at higher rates in clusters than outside of clusters Gibbs and Bernat,199

47、7. Conclusion Although there is still relatively little solid evidence regarding the role of agglomeration and industry clustering in local economic growth, the generally positive findings represent both bad news and good news for rural areas. That agglomeration and clustering appear to be important

48、 in industry growth is bad news in the sense that it means rural areas will always be at a significant disadvantage compared to urban areas. The good news is that the most important effects seem to be due to industry clustering and not general agglomeration. This is good news because industry cluste

49、rs can and do occur outside urban areas. In terms of rural development policy, the mixed results indicate that, at least for some rural areas, policies directed at creating and fostering industry clusters may provide a significant boost to local economies. However, these policies would have to be ca

50、refully crafted and targeted because they will not be successful for every industry or for every community. A better understanding of industry clustering is needed in order to more accurately predict which industries and which areas are most amenabIe to cluster-based development initiatives While th

51、ere is as yet no definitive answer to the question of whether or not industry clusters can provide a boost to rural job and wage growth, there is sufficient empirical support for continued research. This paper has focused largely on the measurement of clusters using what might be called secondary so

52、urce data. A number of directions for further research have been indicated. For example, more research is needed into measures of clustering that take into account linkages among industries. More work also is needed in determining the appropriate spatial scale. In terms of investigating the relation

53、ship between clusters and growth, a more thorough analysis that takes into account the multitude of factors that affect local growth needs to be undertaken in order to identify the contribution of clusters to local economic growth The use of secondary-source data, as in the type of analysis describe

54、d above, is useful in comparing a large number of local economies and in analyzing broad trends, but there are limits to how much it can tell us about clusters and their effects on rural labor markets. Consequently, a combination of secondary-source analysis and case studies, which are better able t

55、o tell us more about the formation and functioning of industry clusters, are needed if we are to improve our understanding of industry clusters and their effects on local economies.译文: 产业集群与农村劳动力市场 摘要:随着最近重新兴起的聚集和经济活动的集群的利益,产业集群作为一个潜在的经济发展战略,已经有越来越有吸引力。归根结底,集群是否是一个农村地区经济发展战略的重点,依赖于集群和地方经济增长的关系。本文的主要

56、目的是讨论一些涉及衡量关于集群和农村经济的增长的关系的问题。有关产业集群和农村收入增长关系的初步证据,我们已经提出了支持的概念,集群集中的发展战略在一些农村地区是有效的。 随着最近重新的利益吸引在集聚和集群的经济活动中的出现,产业集群作为一个潜在的经济发展战略对经济增长产生了巨大的作用。这种利益是出于两个一般趋势。首先,最近的研究表明,快速的技术变革改变了经济环境的方式,使设在集群竞争优势中的机构处于相对孤立(Malecki 1991:252;斯托尔1986:29;波特1995:58)。这是事实,农村地区的机构,就是定义在相对偏僻的地区,相对于机构在城市地区将越来越处于不利的竞争地位。 所表达

57、的意见本文完全是作者的,不一定反映无论是经济分析局和美国商务部的意见。作者感谢两名匿名评审员的有用帮助。 产业集群与劳动力市场 有越来越多的不满关于传统的经济发展战略,例如工业招募或“烟囱追逐” -利用出口退税,基础设施发展,特别培训计划和其他奖励,来吸引企业的一个领域- -作为一个经济发展战略。这一战略在许多经济发展的专家看来,就是作为一个战略不仅是一个相对较高的失败概率,或者即使是成功的,其中一个相对较低的净回报,因为与其他地方的竞争往往通过成本提高的奖励办法,必须提供成功地吸引了新的工厂或公司(Sears和Bernat 1998年和Isserman 1994年)。此外,在未来,容易受到奖

58、励的地点比尚未成本较低的地方更有吸引力。 鼓励集群的战略,相对于“烟囱追逐”,被认为更有可能产生积极的结果,并更具成本效益,因为外部经济的存在,集群为企业和机构一部分集群留在该地区提供内置的奖励办法。此外,这些同样的外部经济将有助于吸引更多的企业和机构,一旦集群成立后,它将维持本身,而不是依靠政府的援助,以保持其活力。 归根结底,集群是否是一个农村地区经济发展战略的重点,依赖于集群和地方经济增长的关系。本文的目的是讨论一些问题,涉及衡量关于集群和农村经济的增长的关系的问题。没有关于任何这些问题尝试来提供明确的答案。相反,我们的目标是比较温和的一个确定的关键问题,涉及集群和农村经济增长,并提出了

59、一些初步的调查结果?关联产业集群和收入的增长。 正如审查员所指出的,集群也可以是工业征聘战略的一部分,企业招聘评估,基于他们如何适应现有的集群。然而,在何种程度上集群对这种类型的工业招聘的成功作出的贡献将是本文讨论的问题的一个功能。 下一节是一个简短复习集群的作用的文献,以及它们在区域经济增长的角色。同时讨论了如何聚集可能受益的农村劳动力市场,并总结一些现有的经验证据。最后提出了进一步工作的一些想法。 什么是集群与他们为什么存在? 职权集群和集群出现在区域经济和地理文献的各种各样的场合中。有时候,特别是在城市发展文学,同义词的使用与更广泛的长期聚集,并参阅大量,多样浓度的经济活动。在其他情况下,集群狭义上指设在靠近有密切的联系网络的企业和机构群体,网络被界定为“企业之间通过充分利用互补性,拓新市场,整合活动,或集中资源的合作”(罗森菲尔德1995年)。 对于本文,我持中立态度,并确定了产业集群作为一个在同一或密切相关的行业机构的集体,设在靠近对方的场所,不管他们是否在意义上形成一个网络。网络和集群常常一起联系在一起,但他们是不同的概念。网络参与正式的或非正